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By John H. Redekop
 • Lloyd Mackey: Stephen Harper: A Case for Collaborative Governance, ECW Press, 2006
WRITTEN from a journalist's perspective, this analysis provides a balanced -- albeit sympathetic -- introduction to Stephen Harper. Supporters as well as critics will benefit greatly from reading this account.
Complexity
Mackey provides adequate historical background. He is also impressive in describing the ideological complexity of Canadian conservatism; and he deftly describes the forces and values which have shaped Harper's thoughts and policies.
Selected quotations provide insight into Harper's thinking: "Reformers are not extremists for openly advocating smaller government, free markets, traditional values, and equality before the law." (p. 151) "A uni-lingual Anglophone or Francophone is as much a 'real Canadian' as a bilingual one. And Quebec City or Calgary define Canada as much as Ottawa or Montreal." (p. 160)
"I think that very sensitive and clearly religious-denominational moral issues should not be issues of party policy, and the leader should be careful not to make his views the central issue . . . . I don't believe the party should have a position on abortion or that the leader should lead an agenda on abortion." (p. 164)
"Conservatives should be satisfied if the agenda is moving in the right direction, even if slowly." (p. 139) "It will come as no surprise to anybody that I support the traditional definition of marriage as a union of one man and one woman, to the exclusion of all others." (p. 175)
While all biography requires selection of evidence and incorporates personal judgments, readers do have a right to raise questions.
'Customizing Christianity'
Citing published survey research categories, Mackey states that both Paul Martin and Stephen Harper are "customizing Christians," a category less than "committed" (pp.69-70).
But surely there is a fundamental difference between a Paul Martin, who stated that when he enters Parliament he leaves his Christian ethics at the door; and a Stephen Harper, who does not.
Similarly, we read that both Pierre Elliott Trudeau and Brian Mulroney were Roman Catholics whose spiritual faith gave them guidance, "not always necessarily followed to the letter" (p. 76).
But, again, it is significant that, on a host of moral issues, Trudeau promoted policies which specifically contradicted the church's teaching.
Mackey asserts: "There is, permeating every political movement in Canada, an energizing spirituality." (p. 79) That's debatable.
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The values of various Marxist, Leninist and anarchist parties do not support this conclusion. Nor, at times, do the policies of our major parties.
We also read that Harper "gradually formed the conclusion that mainstream Protestant leaders, in their embrace of the social gospel and, more particularly, liberation theology, were becoming more Marxist and less Christian." (p. 92) No supporting evidence is given. One can also ask why libertarianism is presented as an expression of conservatism. (p. 54)
Reconsideration
In subsequent reprints, which this book surely deserves, the author may want to reconsider some other assertions and inferences, such as:
"There was a time . . . that Montreal was . . . home to many corporate headquarters." (p. 16) That is still the case. We read that during Quebec's Quiet Revolution in the 1960s, "The west was emerging from the dual impacts of the drought of the 1930s and the great Depression." (p. 16) The transforming impact of World War II and almost a generation of prosperity had long since overcome those influences.
Mackey suggests, further, that evangelicals in Saskatchewan became critical of T. C. Douglas only after he was elected to Parliament. (p. 84)
As a young lad in Saskatchewan at the time, I clearly recall the sharp division in the evangelical community in Saskatchewan throughout Douglas' years as premier.
Mackey states that evangelicals, including the inactive cohort, constitute "70 percent of the Canadian population." (p. 87) My reading of the published data, relying on the usual definitions, suggests that perhaps the figure is closer to 17 percent.
Some composition items should be reviewed for later editions. "Socons" should be defined the first time it is used. (p. 19) Governments rule, they do not reign (p. 217); monarchs reign.
Undue repetition can weaken the account. Readers are told four times in the first 29 pages that Robert Mansell introduced Manning to Harper, four times that Harper ran against Hawkes in the 1988 election, and four times that Frank Atkins served as Harper's master's thesis supervisor.
Important work
In sum, Lloyd Mackey has produced a very important addition to the literature about Harper. Although the book is short in discussing the subtitle topic, 'The Case for Collaborative Government,' the author has ably described both the actor and his setting.
Mackey's last sentence reflects his sympathetic although reasonable assessment of Harper: "And if he keeps his eye on the ball, his legacy could turn out to be a 'best practices' example of the Canadian penchant for peace, order, and good government."
John H. Redekop is adjunct professor of political science at Trinity Western University.
August 2/2007
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The book titled "The Pilgrimage of Harper" may be worth reading, but Redekop's excerpts provide but too brief a glimse of a man seen through a class darkly.