Redekop on Mackey

By John H. Redekop

• Lloyd Mackey: The Pilgrimage of Stephen Harper, ECW Press, 2006

WRITTEN from a journalist’s perspective, this analysis provides a balanced – although sympathetic – introduction to Stephen Harper. Supporters as well as critics will benefit greatly from reading this account.

Complexity

Mackey provides adequate historical background. He is also impressive in describing the ideological complexity of Canadian conservatism; and he deftly describes the forces and values which have shaped Harper’s thoughts and policies.

Selected quotations provide insight into Harper’s thinking:

“Reformers are not extremists for openly advocating smaller government, free markets, traditional values and equality before the law.” (p. 151)

“A unilingual Anglophone or Francophone is as much a ‘real Canadian’ as a bilingual one. And Quebec City or Calgary define Canada as much as Ottawa or Montreal.”    (p. 160)

“I think that very sensitive and clearly religious-denominational moral issues should not be issues of party policy, and the leader should be careful not to make his views the central issue. . . . I don’t believe the party should have a position on abortion or that the leader should lead an agenda on abortion.” (p. 164)

“Conservatives should be satisfied if the agenda is moving in the right direction, even if slowly.” (p. 139) “It will come as no surprise to anybody that I support the traditional definition of marriage as a union of one man and one woman, to the exclusion of all others.” (p. 175)

While all biography requires selection of evidence and incorporates personal judgments, readers do have a right to raise questions.

‘Customizing’

Citing published survey research categories, Mackey states that both Paul Martin and Stephen Harper are “customizing Christians,” a category less than “committed” (pp. 69 – 70).

But surely there is a fundamental difference between a Paul Martin, who stated that when he enters Parliament he leaves his Christian ethics at the door; and a Stephen Harper, who does not.

Similarly, we read that both Pierre Elliott Trudeau and Brian Mulroney were Roman Catholics whose spiritual faith gave them guidance, “not always necessarily followed to the letter”(p. 76). But, again, it is significant that, on a host of moral issues, Trudeau promoted policies which specifically contradicted the church’s teaching.

Mackey asserts: “There is, permeating every political movement in Canada, an energizing spirituality.” (p. 79) That’s debatable.

The values of various Marxist, Leninist and anarchist parties do not support this conclusion. Nor, at times, do the policies of our major parties.

We also read that Harper “gradually formed the conclusion that mainstream Protestant leaders, in their embrace of the social gospel and, more particularly, liberation theology, were becoming more Marxist and less Christian.” (p. 92) No supporting evidence is given. One can also ask why libertarianism is presented as an expression of conservatism. (p. 54)

Reconsider

In subsequent printings, which this book surely deserves, the author may want to reconsider some other assertions and inferences, such as:

“There was a time . . . that Montreal was . . . home to many corporate headquarters.” (p. 16) That is still the case.

We read that during Quebec’s Quiet Revolution in the 1960s, “The west was emerging from the dual impacts of the drought of the 1930s and the great Depression.” (p. 16) The transforming impact of World War II and almost a generation of prosperity had long since overcome those influences.

Mackey suggests, further, that evangelicals in Saskatchewan became critical of T. C. Douglas only after he was elected to Parliament. (p. 84)

As a young lad in Saskatchewan at the time, I clearly recall the sharp division in the evangelical community in Saskatchewan throughout Douglas’ years as premier.

Mackey states that evangelicals, including the inactive cohort, constitute “70 percent of the Canadian population.” (p. 87) My reading of the published data, relying on the usual definitions, suggests that perhaps the figure is closer to 17 percent.

Some composition items should be reviewed for later editions. ‘Socons’ should be defined the first time it is used. (p. 19) Governments rule, they do not reign (p. 217); Monarchs reign.

Undue repetition can weaken the account. Readers are told four times in the first 29 pages that Robert Mansell introduced Manning to Harper, four times that Harper ran against Hawkes in the 1988 election, and four times that Frank Atkins served as Harper’s master’s thesis supervisor.

Important work

In sum, Lloyd Mackey has produced a very important addition to the literature about Harper. Although the book is short in discussing the subtitle topic, ‘The Case for Collaborative Government,’ the author has ably described both the actor and his setting.

Mackey’s last sentence reflects his sympathetic although reasonable assessment of Harper: “And if he keeps his eye on the ball, his legacy could turn out to be a ‘best practices’ example of the Canadian penchant for peace, order and good government.”

John H. Redekop is adjunct professor of political science at Trinity Western University.

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Mackey on Redekop

By Lloyd Mackey

• John H. Redekop: Politics Under God, Herald Press, 2007

WHEN I was a young journalist in the Fraser Valley, working first as a reporter, then an editor, I got to know a lot of Mennonites.

They had a spiritual impact on me. And, in fact, I married one. Edna has helped me tremendously, through the years of our marriage, in bringing faith and reality into harmony.

During those years in the Valley, I looked fairly closely at the Mennonite–Anabaptist perspective, with respect to church-state relations and conflict studies.

Mennonite ethos

I despaired, at times, of getting to really understand the Mennonite ethos. I can recall telling myself that, once retired, I would like to take time to reflect on the Anabaptist approach to the political process, both domestically and in the foreign affairs arena.

John Redekop’s Politics Under God goes a long way to help in that reflection. And it does so by placing the Anabaptist vision into the larger historical and theological context created by various segments of Christian thought on the subject of the faith-political interface.

Redekop is a long-time political science professor, an ordained Mennonite minister, and both a former Abbotsford city councillor and president of the Evangelical Fellowship of Canada.

As such, he has thought deeply on these issues – from both the vantage point of the inner sanctum, and the risky perch on the edge of the various world political systems.

Well-ordered

Politics Under God is a well-ordered book. It is carefully targeted at those who make the faith-based assumption that God is, indeed, in charge of ­– and responsible for – the world in which human beings interact politically.

He reviews the various perspectives on this subject, from the Catholic, Lutheran, Reformed and Anabaptist viewpoints.

In so doing, he notes that, since he comes from and is aligned with the Mennonite/ Anabaptist perspective, he senses a particular responsibility to place that viewpoint into the larger Christian context.

Redekop carefully defines both the nuances and the deep historical cleavages that entered into the Christian world at the time of the Protestant Reformation.

He traces not only the tensions between the Catholic Church and Martin Luther, which triggered that Reformation, but explores the development of John Calvin’s influence and the more ‘radical’ Anabaptist aspects generated by Ulrich Zwingli and Menno Simons during that era.

The seeming radicalism of one’s individual responsibility to God shaped not only Mennonites, but Baptists, various sectors of the Wesleyan holiness groups, large parts of the evangelical and ‘believers church’ movements – and, ultimately, the Pentecostal/ charismatic element of Christianity.

The state

More a propos to the political side of the interface, Redekop carefully elucidates on the various parts of Christianity, with respect to how God is seen to relate to the state.

In the Catholic idiom, he points out, God is thought of as being in charge of the state as well as the church, and Catholic politicians are seen as being responsible to see that the state recognizes the influence of God in the realm.

In his enunciation of the Anabaptist vision, he explores the ‘quiet in the land’ ethic which Mennonites have held to with some tenacity through the centuries.

Under that ethic, the Christian community is expected to refrain from involvements in the state – including military service – which would place its members in conflict with respect to their own consciences, on matters of state.

From Chapter 4 onward through the book, the author attempts to frame his arguments in the form of answers to large and significant questions, such as: “Can civil government function according to Christian ethics?” and “Is there a biblical basis for civil disobedience?”

Biblical basis

Redekop, in fact, maintains a strong biblical basis for his exposition throughout the book. But he also cautions against using scripture lightly to maintain a particular political stance.

For example, in answering the question regarding whether Christianity is politically right, centre or left, he notes a misapplication of scripture: the quoting of Ecclesiastes 10:2, “either in jest or seriously,” as support for right-wing beliefs.

That text reads: “The heart of the wise inclines to the right; but the heart of the fool, to the left.”

The author maintains that the “brilliant” Solomon did not have the contemporary right-left political spectrum in mind when he wrote those words so long ago.

Redekop does an excellent job of laying both a biblical and an historic foundation for present-day Christian political reflection and action. Because he is writing for a wider audience than one which is specifically Canadian, he does not address a number of issues that are unique to Canada’s federal political scene – where this writer spends much of his time.

Nevertheless, for Canadian Christians who want to make a difference politically, Politics Under God is not only useful reading – but, dare I say it, almost essential.

Lloyd Mackey is a member of the Parliamentary Press Gallery in Ottawa.

August 2007